Europe’s freedom depends on its ability to act

Reflections on democracy, sovereignty and social democracy in a new world order

Europe is facing a development whose implications we may still be underestimating. The international order within which the European Union has developed is becoming increasingly fragile. Competition between major powers is intensifying, economic and technological dependencies are becoming instruments of political power, wars have returned to Europe, and democratic societies are also coming under pressure.

The European Commission itself now speaks of an erosion of the rules-based international order and identifies economic competitiveness, strategic autonomy, technological development, societal resilience and the protection of democracy as interconnected challenges.

This raises a fundamental question: Is Europe still organised politically in such a way that it can remain capable of acting in this new world?

The European Union is not a state. It is a system of shared sovereignty that has evolved over time. The European Council, comprising Heads of State or Government, sets the broad political direction. The Commission has important powers of initiative and executive authority. The European Parliament and the Council adopt the majority of European legislation jointly. This balance protects Member States, diverse political traditions and national interests. It is an essential component of the European model of success.

Yet its strength can also become its weakness.

A system strongly geared towards balance and consensus now faces a world in which geopolitical decisions are being taken at an ever-faster pace. Europe may be an economic heavyweight, yet it may still act too slowly politically. The crucial question is therefore not simply ‘more or less Europe’, but: What decisions must we be able to take together to ensure that our states remain truly sovereign tomorrow as well?

For small countries such as Luxembourg, this paradox is particularly evident. National sovereignty and European sovereignty are not necessarily opposites. Faced with global technology companies or major powers, a small state has only limited influence on its own. Together with its European partners, it can help shape rules and defend its interests.

Europe’s capacity to act is therefore also a question of democratic self-determination.

However, it would be a mistake to look exclusively abroad for Europe’s challenges. Democracies can come under pressure from outside, but their resilience stems from within. Where people come to believe, over a prolonged period, that politics merely describes problems but can no longer solve them, trust erodes. Disinformation and polarisation can accelerate this process. Yet they are not the sole cause of the loss of trust in politics.

This, for me, is where a central task of modern social democracy begins.

Social democracy has always been at its strongest when it has understood freedom not merely in formal terms. Anyone who has to live in fear for their home, job, healthcare or pension may have democratic rights, but can only enjoy their freedom to a limited extent.

In the 21st century, we must expand on this idea.

Social security, economic vitality, democratic stability and Europe’s capacity to act are inextricably linked today.

Without a competitive economy, a strong welfare state cannot be financed in the long term. Without social cohesion, economic progress loses its social legitimacy. Without functioning democratic institutions, trust erodes. And without a Europe capable of taking action, even economically successful nation states risk increasingly becoming subject to decisions made by others.

This does not imply either a centralised European state or the abandonment of national identities. Indeed, Europe thrives precisely because of its diversity. But diversity must not be confused with an inability to act.

We should therefore have an open discussion about where unanimity remains necessary, where majority decisions would make more sense, what democratic rights the European Parliament should be granted in future, and how European decisions can be made more transparent and comprehensible to citizens.

Above all, however, Europe needs a positive political vision once again.

Not a Europe born of fear of Russia, China or the United States. But a Europe born of the self-assured determination to be able to shape our own model of society: democratic, social, economically vibrant and open to the world.

For Social Democrats, this should not be a side issue of foreign policy. It touches on the very core of our political identity.

For ultimately, it comes down to a very simple question:

Who should decide our future?

Our answer should be: free citizens in strong democracies – together with European partners, where joint action makes us stronger and freer.

Europe’s future is therefore not determined solely by its economic size. It depends on whether shared strength translates into a shared capacity for action – and whether that capacity for action remains democratic and socially responsible.